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Competition without policies, leadership and agendas

The top leadership is preoccupied with deceiving rebel leaders, defrauding them, and wielding the baton of action while doing nothing.

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KATHMANDU: Political parties are stunned by rebellions from party leaders. Some have run as independent candidates, others have resigned from the party, and still others have endured the party’s actions and spoken out against the leadership. The top leadership is preoccupied with deceiving rebel leaders, defrauding them, and wielding the baton of action while doing nothing.

In other words, neither the leaders nor the workers are debating what kind of agenda to pursue in the elections, how much the standard of living of Nepalese citizens has improved in the last five years, where Nepal’s international image is, how foreign relations have been, and how to strengthen them. Even among citizens, the search for such agendas and plans is limited. Even historical political parties have entered the election field in order to win the next election and form the government, regardless of policy, leadership, or agenda.

Six-Hundred people have registered to vote in the upcoming elections for the House of Representatives and the State Assembly. There are 1,900 candidates in the House of Representatives and 3,600 candidates in the State Assembly, with two major alliances, small parties, and non-party parties representing them. The Nepali Congress, the CPN Maoist Center, the CPN United Socialist Party, the Democratic Socialist Party, and the National People’s Front have all endorsed the same candidate.

These parties have nominated candidates for both the 165-member House of Representatives and the 330-member State Assembly. CPN-UML, Janata Samajwadi Party, RPP, and RPP Nepal have announced a joint candidacy. The number of candidates for this alliance has shrunk as a result of Prabhu Shah’s rebellion. They have, however, provided non-party candidates.

This time, there are a disproportionate number of non-party candidates. Because if only two alliances and small parties ran, there would not be this many candidates. However, the majority of the discussion revolves around the candidates of the major parties. It is natural to discuss them because they are more likely to win the election. Many comments have been made because the party’s top leaders have given tickets to themselves and leaders close to them. When the democratic process within the parties is weak, relatives get tickets. However, it appears that leaders who have contributed for a long time are being forced to support non-party candidates.

It cannot be considered strange because the right of candidate selection is under the leadership of the party. Because leadership is a personal prerogative, elections have become more person-centered than agenda-centered. Even after winning, the sole goal of all parties in elections has become to win the majority due to the leadership’s belief in ruling by winning those who support them.

The entire party line has forgotten its ideological commitment as a result of the leadership. The introduction of the parties is the ideological aspect. Because common people’s membership in the party is motivated by ideology. Because of our political history, it appears that party choice is determined by three ideologies. There are three: the Nepali Congress, the Nepal Communist Party, and democracy with the former panchayat king. Meanwhile, parties were formed by prioritizing the ideology of the community and region. Madhesh-centric parties still exist today. In addition, there are four major political parties in the country.

Moreover, the election campaign appears to be primarily two-sided. A power coalition led by Congress and another led by the UML. Both of these alliances do not appear to be ideological in nature. The CPN-Maoist Center, the CPN United Socialist Party, the Democratic Socialist Party, and the National People’s Front make up the Congress-led alliance. Congress supports the liberal democratic system. The Maoist Center and the Unified Socialists have been guided by communist ideology.

LSP is a Madhesh-centric political party. Even though Janamorcha is a communist, he opposes federalism. There is no ideological unity even within the UML alliance. While JSP prioritizes the Madhesh-centric idea, it believes more in the inclusiveness principle. RPP and RPP Nepal are the parties of former Panchs who oppose the current system.

Both alliances share the fact that they are parties based on the Communist and Madhesh agendas. In the 2074 election, the current UML, Maoists, and United Socialists formed a coalition; later, the party merged. JSP and LSP are based on a Madhesh agenda. This means that the current alliance is based on power.

In any case, the only goal is to win the election and form the government. While theoretical agendas should be the primary criterion in elections. But if it doesn’t happen, the conclusion is that it happened regardless of who won the election or formed the government. It is possible that the political crisis that results from this will be severe. Because parties that campaign solely for power will lack ideological convictions and accountability to the people. This is a potential political crisis that could occur following the election.

-Pushpa Koirala/MK